Letters To The Editor 2005-03-19
Nursing Homes
Fed up with the lot of them
Can someone please explain to me how the former Secretary in the Department of Health who resigned from this department having been accused of failings in this job, re-assigned to another top job in Higher Education Authority?
If I were to do this, I would be fired.
Yours fed up with the lot of them.
PAUL DORAN
Monastery Walk, Dublin
Waterford Bypass
Excavate the Vikings
Minister Roche has announced that he is inclined to issue a preservation order with regard to the Viking site at Woodstown. In other words, he has chosen to follow the advice of the NRA to re-route the N25 bypass around Waterford. According to comments made by the Head of Corporate Affairs for the NRA, Mr Michael Egan, on 21 January, they had proffered this advice because of fear of the costs involved and because there might be legal challenges to the building of the road.
On a subsequent occasion, as published on 25 February, Mr Egan insisted that the preservation order and consequent re-routing would have no impact on the timescale of construction for the Second River Crossing and the City Bypass. He went on to reveal that, in anticipation of a direction for the preservation of the Woodstown site, the NRA had already conducted preliminary investigations on an alternative site to re-route the bypass.
It has been said in some quarters that this puts the issue of the Viking settlement at Woodstown to bed. On the contrary. If the site is of sufficient importance to our national history to force this government – which has stated in other contexts that re-routing is impossible – to make an exception in this case, then Woodstown can hardly be left as a strip of rough grazing in perpetual ownership of Waterford City Council.
Waterford citizens, city councillors, trade unionists, archaeologists and historians demand that Minister Roche follow through on the logic of his position and orders a research excavation of this wonderful monument of our ancient past.
Catherine Swift
Chair, Save Viking Waterford Action Group
Saint Patrick's Day
The memory of Phil Lynott
We stole a march on the rest of Ireland here in Bantry and held our St Patrick's Day parade on Sunday 13 March. There being such a demand on bands and street entertainment on the special day itself, we were lucky down here in the past to even get a tin whistle player to arrive for the festivities. On Sunday there were pipe bands from all over the place who played in the beautiful sunshine, and a great time was had by all.
Now, the inspired choice of Grand Marshal this year, invited by Bantry Town Council,was Philomena Lynott, mother of The Black Rose, Phil, whose music inspired a generation of rock n' rollers. It was Philo who showed us that traditional Irish music mixed with rock could produce the magic which Thin Lizzy gave us during their heyday.
From the viewing stand, Ms Lynott told the large crowd: "I am deeply moved and honoured to have been invited and that the music of my son should be so sweetly remembered by the people of Bantry. He would be so proud to know he is still so highly thought of."
Later in the hotel, a group of parade officials and aficionados of the great Phil sat and listened to Philomena, who delighted us with lovely personal stories of her beloved son. For me, it was an unforgetable day, and before I left she gave me two pictures. One was of herself and Phil, and written on the back were the words of his composition 'Philomena', the last lines of which go:
"...If you see my mother
Tell her I'm keeping fine
Tell her that I love her
And I'll try to write sometime."
If Phil were alive today, he'd be the same age as myself, and while I never met him, I've always felt I knew him very well. He gave so many of us a new way of being free, through his music.
Dublin... take good care of Philomena, a very special woman.
ROBERT O'SULLIVAN
Bantry, Co Cork
Paisley Interview
Village needs to reflect reality
It was very disappointing to observe the total diversity in approach and content of the two recent interviews with Gerry Adams and Ian Paisley. Both men lead the two main political parties in the North and both are deadlocked in the restoration of devolved power. Yet why were both leaders approached so differently by their respective interviewers?
The Adams interview, while informative, was terse, antagonistic and confrontational. Paisley's interview, however, was little more than fluff and whimsy bordering on the obseqious. Where were the tough questions for the leader of unionism and loyalism? Why was the man who stoked the fires of sectarian hatred and who caused hundreds of people to join loyalist and republican paramilitary groups not questioned about these activities?
Why was he not questioned about the forming of Ulster Resistance and that group's importation of (still fully commissioned) arms from South Africa? Instead we got John Wayne nostalgia and glossy photographs.
The two interviews, sadly, reflect a change in style and direction evident in Village over the past few months. The recent list of deaths caused by the IRA over the last 30 years could have easily been matched by corresponding loyalist and British atrocities over the same period. These awful acts could also have been matched by the similar activities of the Viet Cong, ANC and PLO.
That cannot justify some of the war crimes committed but can the editor point to a clean war or conflict anywhere in the world throughout history? The revulsion of conflict is understandable, but conflict in Ireland is a two way street and it's time Village reflected this fact. The last thing an Irish readership needs is a recycled Sunday Independent the following Saturday.
GORDON KENNEDY
Ballsbridge, Dublin 4
New readers
Refreshing Village
I found my first read of Village to be a refreshing one given the falling standards in other unnamed publications. I particularly enjoyed Ursula Halligan's feature and also Norman Freeman's The Squinting Eye column. Keep up the good work!
Sinead Mc Mahon
Dublin 2
Anti-war movement
Inept Anti-War Movement
Reading Richard Boyd Barrett's statement in Village on 24 February about the "crusade to spread democracy" reminded me of a campaigner from the Irish Anti-War Movement who had asked me to sign a petition in Dun Laoghaire a few weeks ago. But first, allow me to set the scene.
It was a sunny morning in Dun Laoghaire. The sights, sounds and glimmer of shiny tracksuits overloaded my senses as I strolled pleasantly down the Main Street. As I neared the entrance to the imaginatively titled "Dun Laoghaire Shopping Centre", I saw a brightly decorated stand.
It turned out to be that of the hatchet-swinging, Garda baiting Irish Anti-War Movement, ironically decked out in full US colours. Not so much an anti-war protest as a presidential campaign bus. Anyway, I approached the stand, as I couldn't avoid the large segment of the pavement they took up.
A young, fairly attractive female campaigner yelled out asking everyone and anyone to sign her petition – "US OUT OF IRAQ NOW".
Now, due to my dislike of the Irish Anti-War Movement, I had my ultra-cool, steely line of refusal prepared. But of course, like all sixteen-year-old males, the pleas of an attractive female student withered any defences I had prepared. But for once, my brain and testosterone came together and gave me an out – it seemed that they were also having a petition for "Israel Out of Palestine".
Aha, this was a cause I agreed with. Now I could go over to the attractive campaigner and sign their damn petition. "I'd like to sign the Palestine petition, please," I announced to the female campaigner. She looked at me, handed me the petition and passed her clipboard with a badly chewed biro; you could tell this was a well-oiled movement. Pen poised, I prepared to sign the document that would doubtlessly deal a deadly blow to the Israeli forces of occupation. But what was this? It was a petition to get US forces out of Iraq, something I disagreed with.
"Could I sign the petition about Palestine?" I asked meekly, pointing to the Palestinian poster.
"Oh" she said, "it's the same one."
"What?" I said, perhaps a little too strongly, for she moved backward, looking threatened. I asked why I should have to sign a petition for two issues, when I only agreed with one. She tried to persuade me to sign the Iraq petition ("c'mon, it's a really great cause").
But by this stage, I was angry, not even her hand in marriage and a plethora of children would persuade me to sign it. Besides, she didn't have a clue what she was talking about and I got the distinct impression that she was only there to impress a socialist boyfriend. So, in true cowardly style, I walked away instead of arguing with her.
I spent the rest of the day thinking up witty, sharp responses I should have used, but didn't. I hope this little story shows just how ridiculously inept the Anti-War Movement is. I'm guessing the huge Anti-War demonstration in Dublin was more luck than anything else.
Please don't inflate Boyd-Barrett's ego anymore by publishing his "statements" as if they were huge media events.
MICHAEL PIDGEON
Monkstown, Co Dublin
Chechnya
Russians do not want peace in Chechnya
The killing of Chechen leader Aslan Maskhadov by Russian commandos on Tuesday 8 March, represents a serious blow for the hope of peace in the war-torn region of Chechnya. Maskhadov is not to be confused with the barbaric Shamil Basayev, whose followers are responsible for the Beslan massacre and the Moscow theatre siege.
Maskhadov's tactics were entirely different to Basayev's. He had no connections to Al-Qaeda or international terrorism whatsoever. Recently, he had been trying to negotiate an end to the Chechen war.
Last month he announced a ceasefire and told reporters that "30 minutes of eye-to-eye talk (with President Putin) would be enough to end this war". Although this comment was naive, it is an indication of how determined Maskhadov was to bring peace to his country.
By ordering Aslan Maskhadov to be killed, the Russian government has shown that it has absolutely no desire to achieve peace in Chechnya. The brutal subjugation of the Chechen population will continue. Killing the one man who could genuinely bring the Chechen rebels to the negotiation table has insured that this bloody conflict will continue for many years to come.
CORMAC O'BRIEN
Malahide, Co Dublin
Meath by-election
Inaccurate opinion polls
Last week's edition of the Meath Chronicle featured a pre-election poll which has clearly been found to be inaccurate. The company which conducted the survey is now blaming the low turnout for the surveys inaccuracy. The low turnout is something that should concern all of us who cherish democracy, but can it be used as a basis to defend the methodologies and conclusions of these types of surveys?
This is the same company (Orchard Research and Analysis) which conducted the equally controversial survey for the Meath Chambers of Commerce claiming "80%" support for the M3 motorway as presently planned, a survey that has been heavily relied on by several government spokespersons in recent weeks, a survey whose findings are also not borne out in the election results.
The majority of those who did take the trouble to vote in Meath (including thousands of commuters) opted for candidates whose transport policies included both a rail link to Navan and realistic changes to the M3. So the questions must be asked:
(1) How much reliance can be put on these types of surveys?
(2) How much reliance can now be put on the M3 survey whose findings and sweeping assertions were presented as fact to the Oireachtas Committees on the Environment and Transport and which was quoted by several government ministers, including the Minister for Transport, Martin Cullen, in recent weeks?
(3) If there was such strong support for the M3 as presently proposed, why did more people not come out to vote for it?
(4) Why were so many people, including several government ministers and many in the media, prepared to accept the findings of the M3 survey without seemingly querying the motives, the methodologies, the deductions drawn or even the questions asked?
(5) Will the Minister for Environment, Heritage and Local Government now give greater attention to the multitude of experts who have called for the preservation of the Tara landscape?
(6) Will the Government accept the findings of the real poll taken on 11 March and take the opportunity now to deliver, among other things, an integrated solution to our crippling transport problems including: (a) a rail link to Navan (phased later to Kells and Kingscourt) (b) a more realisable motorway free of tolls, free of controversy, and cheaper in the long run (c) improved bus services, and (d) the preservation of a unique part of our national heritage which is also so important to Meath's tourist industry?
JULITTA CLANCY
Assistant Secretary, Meath Archaeological and Historical Society
The letter by Philip Nulty in the Village issue of 5–11 March accused me of abusing my position to advance my own personal political agenda and, by using my signature at the end of two letters I wrote, implied that I represented the views of all the members of the Union of Students of Ireland (USI).
Firstly, I was mandated at our Annual Congress 2004 (which involves hundreds of delegates from colleges across the Island) to implement an "active anti-war policy in the media and colleges". At USI's National Council in December, the majority of delegates voted to support the protest against the occupation of Iraq called by the Irish Anti-War Movement for 19 March. On this basis I have been working hard trying to publicise these events (including writing to Village) and get support for a pro-peace position. This is clearly carrying out my work, not abusing my position.
There have been reports from Iraq about how students who are protesting against the occupation have been arrested by US soldiers. Similarly, if the US was to bomb Iran, students would be one of the many groups murdered by those bombs and impacted by any subsequent occupation. USI's position shows clearly that many students feel solidarity for their fellow students in Iraq and Iran.
Secondly, in relation to the letter I wrote about the urgent need to develop alternative political representation aside from the mainstream political parties, those were my personal views and I should have stated that clearly in the letter.
However, with such a low turnout of young people particularly students, this is clearly an issue that needs to be addressed. When most mainstream political parties are not actively opposing the privatisation of our education (which USI is opposed to), there is clearly a lack of political representation for such standpoints.
Not every member of USI, as is the case with all unions, agree with union policy. It is up to members to get involved in the union and change that if they disagree with it.
My own personal opinion is that student politics and student unions have for too long been dominated by representatives who accept the status quo and spend more time cosying up the Ministers for Education and their college authorities rather than actively representing their members' concerns. And there are many issues to be active over, for example, the disgraceful unequal access to third level, the impacts of cut-backs and under-funding on student services and health services and the privatisation of our colleges.
This year USI and representatives from its member colleges occupied the Department of Education, protested to Fianna Fáil head quarters, held information days in colleges and marched to the Dáil which raised awareness and attempted to fight back over these serious matters. I believe there needs to be more of such action and expression of views, not less.
RORY HEARNE
Deputy President, Union of Students of Ireland
Suzanne Breen referred to court proceedings that followed October 2002's police raid on Sinn Féin offices at Stormont which precipitated the collapse of power-sharing in Belfast (Village, 19 February). Unionists dubbed that episode "Stormontgate" and at the time it was axiomatic that Sinn Féin had been involved in what was labelled the "Stormont spy-ring".
Ms Breen listed a selection of "situations throughout the peace process", which she associated with Sinn Féin or the IRA and said "the catalogue of lies is breathtaking". In one example, she referred to the Stormont raid, named three people charged and said "in raids following the spy-ring (sic) claims, the PSNI recovered a huge haul of material which the IRA had collected including the personal details of 1,426 prison staff."
Ms Breen did not attempt to speak with any of the people she named in this case before writing her article. In fact, she has never attempted to contact them since the Stormont Raid first occurred two-and-a-half years ago. Despite this, she has felt at liberty to offer her opinion about this case at regular intervals and in a wide variety of media throughout that time.
Her account is prejudiced, fractional and grossly misleading. Furthermore, she denigrates the people she names by citing the case arising from the Stormont raid as one of a "catalogue of lies".
In the interest of the truth, not to mention on-going judicial proceedings, it is imperative to state the facts of this case. Four people were arrested and charged after the Stormont raid. Two more were arrested later, apparently in connection with the same allegations. One (a civil servant) was released without charge, despite his name being dragged through the media. All the serious charges against two other defendants were also withdrawn in totality and without explanation. They included a Belfast businessman, apparently targeted by the PSNI Special Branch after he declined their invitation to become an agent.
Half of the original charges brought against the final three defendants were quietly withdrawn last year. These included the, by far, most serious charges of "possessing documents of a secret, confidential or restricted nature originating from within government buildings".
Not one single defendant faces that central charge of "spying" or of possessing personal information on prison officers. No one at all is charged with membership of an illegal organisation. The remaining three defendants face a total of seven counts of possessing information unlawfully under emergency legislation. All three have consistently asserted their innocence.
At the heart of the continuing legal proceedings is what the defendants and their lawyers believe was a politically-motivated Special Branch operation, code-named "Torsion", which preceded the October 2002 Stormont Raid.
BBC Northern Ireland's security editor, Brian Rowan, wrote in a recent book that "Operation Torsion" involved a long-running, secret Special Branch plan. It involved the use of agents and electronic devices, covert break-ins to private properties, and the handling and placing of papers now central to the prosecution case.
Since last year, the defence has been arguing against a Crown application for a Public Interest Immunity Certificate (PIIC) or "gagging order". The judge in this case has spent three months considering private submissions by the Crown on whether key information on "Operation Torsion" be withheld from the defence and the public. Despite several private hearings, the judge has still not granted the PIIC.
Instead, in an unprecedented move in Belfast, the judge has asked the Attorney General to appoint an independent Special Counsel to assist in hearing the Crown's case for a PIIC. The Attorney General has recently confirmed the defendants will be denied a jury trial.
This means the case will be heard by a single judge, despite the strong objections of both the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission and the UN Human Rights Committee because of the incompatibility of this form of justice with fundamental human rights.
Claims of a "Stormont spy-ring" cannot now be sustained. Property taken from Sinn Féin's office had to be returned and the current PSNI Chief Constable Hugh Orde has even publicly apologised for the police methods used.
Court proceedings at present focus entirely upon the nature and import of "Operation Torsion" which was undeniably conceived and executed by former members of the RUC Special Branch whose resistance to policing change is a matter of record.
All fair-minded people must be concerned that, after effectively breaking-up the power-sharing executive, these political detectives be prevented from covering-up their dirty tricks.
David Donaldson
Belfast